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By Yuezhi Zhao

This authoritative learn explores China's swiftly evolving polity, economic system, and society during the prism of its conversation procedure. Yuezhi Zhao bargains a multifaceted, interdisciplinary research of communique in China and its imperative function within the fight for regulate in the course of the country's upward push to worldwide energy. The in all its forms-ranging from the inside track media to leisure retailers to the Internet-has been a severe battleground between assorted social forces during this interval of wrenching swap. the writer explores adjustments within the constitution and content material of chinese language conversation in gentle of the swift evolution of state-society family members to bare the profoundly contradictory, conflicted, and unsure nature of China's ongoing transformation.

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Extra resources for Communication in China: Political Economy, Power, and Conflict (State and Society in East Asia)

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Consequently, in December 2001, the Chinese leadership strengthened a previously existing supraministerial coordinating body around information to formally establish the State Leadership Group on Informatization, with then premier Zhu Rongji as its leader. As of 2006, this supraministerial body was headed by Premier Wen Jiabao, with Huang Ju, Politburo Standing Committee member and deputy premier; Liu Yunshan, head of the party’s PD; Zeng Peiyan, head of the State Development and Reform Commission; and Zhou Yongkang, minister of Public Security, as the group’s deputy leaders, and the heads of other relevant state commissions, ministries, party departments, and government agencies responsible for various sectors of the communication and information industries as its members.

On the contrary . . ’”28 However, in contrast to communication regulatory agencies in the West, which typically operate at arm’s length from the government, China’s GAPP, SARFT, MII, and the Ministry of Culture are government departments subject to PD directives. In the case of the SARFT, it still has direct editorial responsibilities over China Central Television (CCTV), China National Radio, and China Radio International. Moreover, instead of passing legislation about the media, which would inevitably invoke debates over the meaning of the constitutional guarantee of press freedom at the National People’s Congress (NPC), the party has opted to authorize relevant government departments to legitimate its preferred media structure by administrative “regulations” (tiaoli), which only require approval by the State Council.

Nonews organizations” are only allowed to redistribute officially published news. ”35 Personnel Control and Certification Personnel control, supported by state ownership of major media organizations, is a key component of the party-state’s power over the media. ”36 The party’s disciplining power has been most visible throughout the 1990s and early 2000s in the dismissal of chief editorial personnel at liberal-oriented newspapers such as Beijing Youth Daily (Beijing qingnian bao), Southern Weekend (Nanfang zhoumo), China Youth News (Zhongguo qiannian bao), Southern Metropolitan News (Nanfang dushi bao), and Beijing News (Xinjing bao).

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