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What is at stake here are rather the attitude and responsibilities of scientists and scholars themselves: What should they do? What mode of participation in government is it appropriate for them to adopt? Thus RAND has chosen not to notice what is questionable in the work it is doing, rather than to ventilate thoroughly all the assumptions that go into its work; that choice in the end has helped narrow the range of options open to policymakers. Returning to some of the points I made earlier, we see, similarly, that RAND chose to operate under the auspices of the Air Force rather than, say, relevant congressional committees; that choice has affected the distribution of knowledge and know-how between democratically responsible (at least in part) and nonresponsible arms of the national government.

He concluded, moreover, by appending about forty pages in which he discussed possible exceptions to the free­market rule. 8 Mill himself saw the contradiction in what he had done, and gradually moved to disentangle himself from it; one of the last acts of his active political life was to give a subscription to the Radical Workingmen’s Patriotic League—an organization much more accurately described by the first word in its title than by the third. For Mill the problem was, on its surface, the interplay between liberty and education.

But in the present context, that would be a state of economic affairs so primitive that (leaving aside whether it would be humanly desirable) there is no point in considering it. Certainly it is not what Friedman, Nozick, Hayek, and the other ideologues of market capitalism have in mind; they are not making an argument against state interference with personal producers, but against state interference with corporations and other forms of extended enterprise. In any form of enterprise that transcends in its scope the labor of a small number of people, the question of ownership becomes crucial.

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