By Carolyn Mackay
The Totonac-Tepehua language relatives, notwithstanding typologically just like another Mesoamerican languages, has no longer but been confirmed to be regarding the other language relations. Misantla Totonac is the southernmost number of Totonac and is spoken within the zone among Xalapa, the capital of Veracruz, Mexico and Misantla, Veracruz. In 1974, a newly paved highway attached Xalapa and Misantla bringing a comparatively remoted quarter into touch with mainstream Mexican language and tradition. hence, Misantla Totonac is not any longer received as a primary language by way of the neighborhood little ones and is quickly being changed via Spanish. A GRAMMAR OF MISANTLA TOTONAC offers the phonological constitution of the language and the best morphological tactics. It describes inflection and derivation of all significant notice sessions (verbs, nominals, and statives) intimately. It introduces grammatical contract and be aware order phenomena, and offers the main salient and important elements of Misantla Totonac grammar. even though a variety of Totonac-Tepehua grammars exist in Spanish, this can be the one released grammar of the Totonac-Tepehua language kin at present to be had in English. Winner of the yearly Society for the research of Indigenous Languages of the Americas (SSILA) publication Award, this marks the 3rd quantity to be released within the sequence. "The fabric awarded this is key to any destiny paintings in reconstructing the proto-language. . . .[It] is an important contribution to either common linguistics in addition to to Mesoamerican stories. -James Watters, summer time Institute of Linguistics
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Additional resources for A Grammar of Misantla Totonac: Studies in Indigenous Languages of the Americas
1). (35a), where the quality of the second input vowel prevails, is the productive pattern, and is compatible with the further data on contractions in the following sections. An approximation to the productive contraction rule can be given as (36). (36) VV-Contraction (simplified) V,(:) + V2 -> V2: That is, two vowels may combine to form a surface long vowel with the quality features of the second input vowel. The second input vowel is almost always short, since no grammatical morphemes and very few stems begin with a long vowel.
G. meysa, but there is no evidence against the other interpretation. There are a small number of cases of dialectal variation between a pronunciation with syllable-final nasal and an alternative with nasalized vowel or diphthongal coda. Most involve CVN stems: dan ~ daw- daw 'cross', hem ~ hee 'weep', mom ~ mow ~ mow 'hear', nan ~ now ~ now 'abandon'. In each case, the pronunciation with nasal consonant is standard in Timbuktu. On the other hand, in the bisyllabic stem hine ~ hiye-tiiye 'tooth', variation occurs even within Timbuktu.
In Timbuktu I also had difficulty distinguishing a from o in several words of the type Cjqgu and C_mbu, the vowel filling the blank often being heard as [o]: joggu 'hundred', noqgu 'place', worjgu 'war' and 'refuse', combu 'glass, bowl', sombu 'lift (child to breast)'. I generally write them as just shown, with o, in texts but give both pronunciations (if attested) in the dictionary. I have heard a consistently in gambu 'door', baqgu 'floodplain' (or 'circumcision'), and hambur 'fear'; I have heard o consistently in fombu 'melon seeds', jombu 'grain residue after pounding', and hoijgu 'believe'.