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By Peter A. Chew

This dissertation presents a coherent, synchronic, broad-coverage, generative phonology of Russian. I try out the grammar empirically in a few how you can be certain its goodness of healthy to Russian. In taking this strategy, I goal to prevent making untested (or even incoherent) generalizations in keeping with just a handful of examples. ordinarily, the assessments express that there are exceptions to the idea, yet at the very least we all know what the exceptions are, a baseline is determined opposed to which destiny theories will be measured, and in general the proportion of remarkable instances is diminished to under 5%. The central theoretical results of the paintings are as follows. First, I convey that each one of the phonological or morphophonological strategies reviewed will be defined via a grammar not more robust than context-free. Secondly, i take advantage of probabilistic constraints within the syllable constitution grammar to provide an explanation for why constraints on word-marginal onsets and codas are weaker than on word-internal onsets and codas. I argue that the gains [+/- preliminary] and [+/- final], and extraprosodicity, are pointless for this objective.

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Sample text

2 Itô’s (1986) method of syllable structure assignment Itô’s (1986) discussion of how syllable structure is assigned is essentially aimed at showing that a template-approach, coupled with a directionality parameter, is a valid and preferable alternative to the rule-based approach advocated earlier in Kahn (1976) and Steriade (1982): valid, because it too fulfils the condition of descriptive adequacy, and preferable, because, according to Itô (1986: 168), the principle of directionality is independently motivated in a number of other areas of Prosodic Phonology such as metrical phonology (Liberman 1975).

D#&2! 2! to any syllable. #<9

This assumption may be an oversimplification, although see Selkirk (1982a) for arguments supporting my position. In any case, the issue is not of major significance in what follows, and it would be possible to reformulate the grammar to accommodate ambisyllabicity: Walther (1993) and Bird (1995: 62-63) provide examples of how this can be done in context-free grammar. 60 The first controversy is whether [,) and [,] are allophones of a single phoneme. This has been a matter of long-standing debate between the so-called ‘Moscow and Leningrad phonological schools’: a detailed survey of this debate is given in Reformatskij (1970).

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